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Volume, and becoming a virtuoso
reader
Sebastian
Wren, Ph.D.
Broadly speaking, I would say that
there are two stages that children go through in learning to read.
The first stage is the "learning to walk" stage: a child develops a speaking
vocabulary, learns a few facts about the world she lives in, begins scribbling
and developing some concepts about print mechanics, puts phoneme awareness
together with the alphabetic principle, and learns to clumsily decode and
write words.
The second stage is the "learning
to run" stage: a child develops motivation and appreciation for literature,
and spends a lot of time reading interesting, engaging text. Through
practice, and perhaps with a little guidance and instruction from people
more experienced than her, she learns sophisticated reading comprehension
and writing composition strategies. She learns a lot more about the
world, and she uses that knowledge to draw inferences and make insightful
leaps. She really loves reading, and thus reads some more. She develops
a real appreciation for different genre of text, she enhances her vocabulary
constantly, and she polishes her decoding skills until they shine.
And still she reads some more. She reads and reads and reads, and
in so doing, she becomes a "virtuoso" reader. She knows all kinds
of cool things about the world, and she knows how to learn more.
She has a huge vocabulary, and the more words she knows, the easier it
is for her to learn new ones. She writes without thinking about it;
she reads without any effort what-so-ever, and she constantly gets better
and better.
Personally, I'm still in that "learning
to run" stage. So are you. We will be for the rest of our lives.
We have the "basic skills" we need, and we spend time practicing.
You and I make a habit of reading; we enjoy it, and we spend easily an
hour or two every day reading. All because we learned to walk, and
then we learned to run. I would wish that for every child in the
world.
Now, before you write me angry letters,
I know full well that this is an oversimplification, and that learning
to read is not as simple as learning skills and then applying them, but
the analogy serves a useful purpose for the story I want to tell, so bear
with me.
There are some children who have
never really gotten a handle on "walking," but we're asking them to run.
That's bad. But there are also children -- many, many children --
who have only learned to walk, and we've never really challenged them to
run. That's just as bad.
As I have worked with teachers of
older children -- grades 3 and older -- and I've found that they largely
have students that fit into one of these two categories. Either the
child is still needing some instruction in how to "walk," or the child
is really needing instruction in how to "run."
Most of what I have written to date
in my professional career has focused on teaching children to "walk."
I worry at night about NAEP scores that show that nearly 40% of our young
children lack basic reading skills. I should probably also worry
about the fact that less than 10% of our children are considered to be
"advanced" readers, but I just don't have time. The night is only
so long, and I have enough to worry about.
For a moment, however, I would like
to turn my attention to the kids who can walk, but can't run. They
have the basic skills, but they don't read well. The stereotype is
the child who reads slowly and reads at a level that is several years behind
her peers. This child passes those basic skills and competencies
tests, but the teacher is still concerned that this child struggles when
reading age-appropriate text.
It is always important to encourage
children to take the time to practice reading, but for this child -- the
child who is walking but not running -- it is especially important.
Learning to read is like learning to play a musical instrument. It
is important that you learn the basics, and that you learn something about
music theory, and that you practice simple skills. But if you do
not spend real time playing that instrument in a meaningful way, you will
never really be adept with that instrument -- you will never be a "musician."
The child who can sound-out words,
but who does not sound-out words with ease, needs to spend some serious
time practicing with real, connected text. This child does not need
much instruction with basic reading skills; this child needs to practice,
practice, practice.
I simply cannot overstate the importance
of giving all children significant chunks of time during the day to practice
reading connected text. Ten minutes is not enough. You and
I are "virtuoso" readers because we spend a lot more than ten minutes a
day reading. We easily spend, on average, an hour, maybe two hours
a day reading. And when we were learning to read, we might have spent
considerably more time than that. I don't know you at all; chances
are I've never met you, but I can tell you with complete confidence that
you became a skilled reader because you read voluminously.
I also cannot overstate the importance
of giving children time to write. Reading and writing go together
hand in glove. Reading and writing are just two directions on the
same highway. Children who are having difficulty with reading often
work through their difficulties by practicing writing (and vice versa).
And for both reading and writing,
I cannot overstate the importance of encouraging children to spend time
with text that is easy and comfortable. As teachers, it is important
that we help children to scaffold their skills, and that we constantly
endeavor to enhance their learning and skill development. There is
a time for that, and we should not neglect the need to broaden horizons.
However, there is also a time for refining and polishing the knowledge
and skill that we already have, and when I talk about reading and writing
voluminously, I'm mostly talking about working well within our comfort
level.
The child who is "walking" but not
"running" probably does not spend more than a few minutes a day actually
reading. When that child does read, it is usually academic and required
reading. And the child does not write unless forced to (and usually
that child wants to know "how long" their writing assignment must be).
That child's habits can be drawn in direct contrast with the habits that
you and I developed early and continue to maintain. We read frequently,
we read for pleasure, and we read and write voluminously (again, typically
informally and for pleasure).
How do these different habits affect
us? Well, first of all, most of the words you know, you learned from
reading. It is estimated that people who read voluminously are familiar
with three to four times as many words as people who do not make a habit
of reading. Imagine what an advantage is afforded to a child who
has three to four times the vocabulary of her peers. Imagine how
easy it is for that child to read a passage of text at her grade level,
and imagine how hard it is for her peers who do not have the same substantial
vocabulary to read the same passage of text.
Acquiring new vocabulary through
reading does not come easily, either. When you read a book, most
of the words in that book only appear one time. That is to say, a
few of the words appear over and over again, but most of the words only
appear one time in the whole book.
In fact, most words you encounter,
you encounter very rarely. There are thousands and thousands of words
in the English language. Some of them, like the words "the," "of,"
"and" and "to" occur over and over in text. In fact, if you counted
how often the word "the" appears in this text, you'd find that about every
14th word is the word "the." The word "the" is the most frequently
used word in the English language. Next is the word "of" followed
by the word "and." These words appear in text over and over again,
so when you read a passage of text, you encounter them constantly.
These are called "high-frequency" words (and some people call them "sight
words"). If I eliminated the 12 most frequently occurring words from
this passage of text, I would be eliminating 25% of the text. There
are 125 words in English that make up half of the words we use -- every
other word we write or read is one of those 125 words.
The 125 most common words in
the English language. These words make up half of the words in text.
|
THE
|
OF
|
AND
|
TO
|
A
|
|
IN
|
THAT
|
IS
|
WAS
|
HE
|
|
FOR
|
IT
|
WITH
|
AS
|
HIS
|
|
ON
|
BE
|
AT
|
BY
|
I
|
|
THIS
|
HAD
|
NOT
|
ARE
|
BUT
|
|
FROM
|
OR
|
HAVE
|
AN
|
THEY
|
|
WHICH
|
ONE
|
YOU
|
WERE
|
HER
|
|
ALL
|
SHE
|
THERE
|
WOULD
|
THEIR
|
|
WE
|
HIM
|
BEEN
|
HAS
|
WHEN
|
|
WHO
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WILL
|
MORE
|
NO
|
IF
|
|
OUT
|
SO
|
SAID
|
WHAT
|
UP
|
|
ITS
|
ABOUT
|
INTO
|
THEM
|
THAN
|
|
CAN
|
ONLY
|
OTHER
|
NEW
|
SOME
|
|
TIME
|
COULD
|
THESE
|
TWO
|
MAY
|
|
THEN
|
DO
|
FIRST
|
ANY
|
MY
|
|
NOW
|
SUCH
|
LIKE
|
OUR
|
OVER
|
|
MAN
|
ME
|
EVEN
|
MOST
|
MADE
|
|
AFTER
|
ALSO
|
DID
|
MANY
|
BEFORE
|
|
MUST
|
THROUGH
|
BACK
|
WHERE
|
MUCH
|
|
YOUR
|
WAY
|
WELL
|
DOWN
|
SHOULD
|
|
BECAUSE
|
EACH
|
JUST
|
THOSE
|
PEOPLE
|
|
MR
|
HOW
|
TOO
|
LITTLE
|
STATE
|
|
GOOD
|
VERY
|
MAKE
|
WORLD
|
STILL
|
|
SEE
|
OWN
|
MEN
|
WORK
|
LONG
|
|
HERE
|
GET
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BOTH
|
BETWEEN
|
LIFE
|
|
But what about the other
half? While there are very few words that occur very, very frequently,
there are very, very many words that occur very rarely. While 125
words make up half of this passage of text you are reading, there are thousands
of other words that make up the other half. And there are many, many
thousands of words that you only encounter once in a blue moon.
These are called "low-frequency"
words, and they are the most important words in our language. The
high-frequency words usually don't carry much meaning -- most of them are
called "function words" because they serve a function in text, but they
don't have much meaning. They are words like "the," "of," "and" and
"to" (See table). In contrast, most of the interesting words in our
language are words like "horse" and "window" and "booger" -- these are
called "content words," and without them, our language would be meaningless.
Without the function words, our language is still fairly meaningful, but
the content words are essential. Unfortunately, the content words
are the words that only occur once in a blue moon. This text that
you are reading is comprised of a lot of words that you will read over
and over again, and a lot of words that you will only read once or twice.
Every passage of text is like that. And this creates a problem for
most readers; most of the words that you know, you encounter rarely.
Words like "credenza" and "alimony" just don't come up much. So how
do you know them?
Well, there are two important ways.
First, if you read voluminously, you do encounter low-frequency words more
often. I can illustrate this with some simple math. Take a
look at the following table.
Independent Reading
|
Minutes Per Day
|
Words Read Per Year
|
Words Read Per Second
|
|
65
|
4,358,000
|
3.06
|
|
21.1
|
1,823,000
|
3.95
|
|
14.2
|
1,146,000
|
3.69
|
|
9.6
|
622,000
|
2.96
|
|
6.5
|
432,000
|
3.03
|
|
4.6
|
282,000
|
2.8
|
|
3.2
|
200,000
|
2.85
|
|
1.3
|
106,000
|
3.72
|
|
0.7
|
21,000
|
1.37
|
|
0.1
|
8,000
|
3.65
|
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
|
|
This data in the left two
columns was first published by Anderson, Wilson, and Fielding (1988).
While this is authentic data, I find it somewhat suspect because of the
column on the right (which I added by doing some simple math). Still,
the data is about what I would expect it to be, and it is useful for illustrating
my point. If you read approximately 15 minutes per day, you read
approximately 1 million words per year. On the other hand, if you
read just over one minute per day, then you only read about 100 thousand
words per year.
Now consider a word like "credenza,"
which normally occurs one time in a million words of normal text.
If you make a habit of reading just over a minute per day, chances are,
you'll only encounter the word "credenza" one time in ten years.
On the other hand, if you read 15 minutes per day, then you will likely
read the word "credenza" sometime this year. Taking things further,
if you, like most skilled readers, spend an average of two hours per day
reading, then you will encounter low-frequency words like "credenza" once
every six weeks or so.
The simple fact that people who
read a lot encounter the word "credenza" more often dramatically increases
the chances that they will learn the word "credenza" and make it part of
their vocabulary. Saragi, Nation, and Meister (1978) illustrated
this point marvelously. They had a group of adults read the book
"A Clockwork Orange" which contains a lot of "pseudowords" (words that
look real, but which the author made up). After reading the book,
the readers were given a pop-quiz on their familiarity of the pseudowords
used in the book (only pseudowords that were used 15 times or more in the
book were used in this study). They showed that, even without knowing
they were supposed to be learning these non-sense pseudowords (they had
no idea there was going to be a pop-quiz), the adult readers did learn
more than half of the pseudowords.
This is a round-about approach for
getting to the point I want to make. If a child does not make a habit
of reading for significant periods of time every day, that child will not
encounter low-frequency words repeatedly, and if the child does not encounter
them repeatedly, the child is very unlikely to learn them.
Now, remember I said that reading
voluminously is one way that you become familiar with low-frequency words;
another way involves a mechanism that your brain has evolved that helps
you to process, retain and remember "word-like" words over time.
Your brain is an excellent "pattern detector." Your brain, and your
whole perceptual system, is tuned to finding patterns in the environment,
and that excellent ability to detect patterns definitely helps you to read
text and learn new words.
We have 26 letters in our alphabet,
but the letters are not sequenced in words in any random order. In
English, there are letter sequences that are legal and ones which are not
legal. Take "SQT" for example -- there is no word in the English
language that contains those three letters in that order. Similarly
"NZX" is not a possible letter sequence. It can not be pronounced
in English.
But what about "FUA?" That
can be pronounced, but I can't think of a single English word that contains
that particular sequence of letters. I had my computer do a search,
and all that it came up with is the word FUAGE, and I don't even know what
that means. Similarly, "UID" is not common, although in this case,
my computer did generate a few words that contain those three letters in
that order -- FLUID, DRUID, GUIDE, LIQUID and EQUIDISTANT.
Now what about "ING?" I can
think of quite a few words that contain these three letters in that order.
Same with "ENT," "EAT," "ION," and "STR." These are very common letter
sequences in English -- they are used in high-frequency words, and they
are used in a wide variety of different words, so you come across them
very often when you read.
How often? Well, this is why
I love technology so much. I had my computer calculate approximately
how often you would come across the letters ING in that order if you were
to read one-million words of text. The computer estimates (and this
is just an estimate, mind you) that you would encounter those three letters
in that order 17,466 times in one-million words of standard English text.
What about ENT? My computer estimates that you would encounter the
letters ENT in that order 13,205 times in one-million words of standard
English text.
In each alphabetic language, there
are rules for how letters can be sequenced. Your brain is tuned into
the common letter patterns for English (and for whatever other languages
you read fluently). Your brain recognizes these common patterns and
"chunks" them together so they require less attention (Stanovich &
West, 1989; LaBerge & Samuels, 1974; Samuels, Scherner & Reinking,
1992). The more you read English text, the more familiar your brain
becomes with all of the letter patterns that frequently occur in English
text.
This is one reason why learning
a foreign language is so difficult -- the letter patterns and letter sequences
used in other languages are quite different from the English patterns you
are familiar with. Not only do you have to learn a whole new vocabulary,
but you must learn new conventions of spelling as well.
Take a look at this list of words.
|
tucqui
|
|
taudua
|
|
duavata
|
|
heledag
|
|
buiten
|
|
prachtig
|
|
moeder
|
|
schaufel
|
|
niemals
|
|
gesucht
|
|
gefunden
|
|
umgekehrt
|
|
|
On my shelf here next
to my desk, I have
a variety of children's books written in various different languages.
(Yes, I'm a grown man who collects children's books from around
the world -- got a problem with that?)
The words in this list were taken from those books (so these are not
difficult
words; they are words that young children in other countries are
familiar with). There
are a few different languages represented there, but that all the more
illustrates my point. The way letters are sequenced in other
languages
is very different from the way they are sequenced in English, and you
can
almost identify which language each word came from by the sequences of
the letters ("tucqui" doesn't look very German, but "gesucht" sure
does).
Now take a look at these two lists
of words:
|
tucqui
|
pillay
|
|
taudua
|
fornate
|
|
duavata
|
sheeding
|
|
heledag
|
zendic
|
|
buiten
|
sprike
|
|
prachtig
|
debrite
|
|
moeder
|
terpice
|
|
schaufel
|
brudition
|
|
niemals
|
rebent
|
|
gesucht
|
stalonic
|
|
gefunden
|
treachent
|
|
umgekehrt
|
lappage
|
|
|
If you had to learn some
new vocabulary, which vocabulary list would you rather have to learn?
On the left are real foreign words. On the right are pseudowords
that are similar to real English words. That is, at least from the
English speaker's perspective, they are "word-like" pseudowords.
I've conducted studies on the "learnability"
of words, and I've found a few remarkable things. First, I found
that when college students encounter a pseudoword they have never seen
before, they process that pseudoword fairly slowly. However, when
they encounter that same pseudoword a second time, they process the word
significantly faster. Their brain "remembers" the pattern of letters
that make up the pseudoword, and is therefore faster at processing them.
This in itself is interesting, but
what is really interesting is that this facilitation lasts for weeks.
I asked a group of college students to read a bunch of pseudowords out
loud. Then a few weeks later, I asked those same students to come
back and read pseudowords out loud a second time (and I had the computer
time how quickly they read the pseudowords). In the second set of
pseudowords were some they had seen weeks before, and others they had never
seen before. The students did not consciously remember the "familiar"
pseudowords from the previous session, but they still named them faster,
even though they had only seen them once before in their entire lives,
and even though the last time they had seen them was weeks previously.
I found this fascinating... The
brains of these college-age readers are geared to recognize patterns of
letters weeks after seeing them for the first time. When you put
this fact together with the fact that low-frequency words are only encountered
once in a while, you start to see how we are able to learn new words and
enhance our vocabulary even though we rarely encounter most of the words
we know.
One thing that I noticed about that
study, however, was that all of the pseudowords that I used were very "word
like," meaning that they all resembled common English words, and that they
were all made up of common English letter sequences (e.g. "graim" and "thore").
It would be interesting to conduct a new study wherein some of the pseudowords
are very "word-like" and others are not very "word-like" at all (e.g. "kuneci").
I haven't done the study yet, but I'd bet that people would not be as adept
at processing the non-word-like pseudowords as they are the word-like pseudowords
(anybody out there want to help me do this study?)
So basically, children who read
a lot encounter more words, they encounter them more regularly, and it
seems that their brains develop specialized mechanisms that help them to
learn new words more easily. Children who do not read a lot are at
a severe disadvantage for a variety of reasons, and the reasons I've mentioned
are primarily related to vocabulary development. There are many OTHER
reasons that I really have not addressed that children who do not make
a habit of reading are at a severe disadvantage.
Researchers have shown that when
children are given a substantial amount of time every day to read silently
for enjoyment, they develop significantly better attitudes about reading
(Arthur, 1995), they perform better on tests of reading comprehension,
vocabulary and spelling (Weller and Weller, 1999; Saragi, Nation, and Meister,
1978; Krashen, 1993), and their reading speed is improved (Dwyer and West,
1994). Similarly, background knowledge is enhanced by reading (Kintsch
& Keenan, 1973).
Knowing all of this, we should return
to the issue of children who can "walk" but can not yet "run." Children
who do not make a habit of reading, even though they have "basic reading
skills," frequently find themselves getting left behind by their peers.
These children likely would benefit from instruction that motivates them
to spend time, both in the class and at home, reading for pleasure.
Not all of the text they read needs to be "challenging," although some
of it should be. What is most important for these students is that
they practice the art of reading so they move from the laborious, attention-demanding
"basic-skills" stage into the effortless, fluid, connected-reading stage.
To enhance fluency, students who
are struggling should practice repeated reading with the same text.
Research has shown that students who practice reading the same text at
least three times read the text much more easily and with more appropriate
feeling and speed. See "F
is for Fluency" to learn more about repeated reading strategies.
If you are working with older struggling
readers, I urge you to check out Jo Worthy's new book "Pathways
to Independence." It is full of information about practices and
resources that can be used to assist middle to high-school aged students.
Also, Richard Allington has written
a fine book called "What
Really Matters for Struggling Readers." I heartily recommend
this book for people who want to learn more about helping readers develop
fluency.
References:
Anderson, Wilson, and Fielding (1988).
Growth in reading and how children spend their time outside of school.
Reading Research Quarterly 23: 285-303.
Arthur, J. E. (1995). What
is the effect of recreational reading on reading achievement of middle
grade students? ERIC Document Reproduction Service NO. ED 391 143.
Dwyer, E. and West, R. (1994).
Effects of sustained silent reading on reading rate among college students.
Eric Document Reproduction Service No. ED 382 924.
Kintsch, W., & Keenan, J.M.
(1973). Reading rate and retention as a function of the number of propositions
in the base structure of sentences. Cognitive Psychology, 5, 257-279.
Kornelly, D. and Smith, L. (1993).
Bring back the USSR. School Library Journal, 39 (4), 48.
Krashen, S. (1993). The power
of reading: Insights from the research. Englewood, CO:
Libraries Unlimited.
LaBerge, D., & Samuels, S.J.
(1974). Toward a theory of automatic information processing in reading.
Cognitive Psychology, 6, 293-323.
Samuels, S.J., Schermer, N., and
Reinking, D. (1992). Reading fluency: Techniques for Making decoding automatic.
In S.J. Samuels and A.E. Farstrup (Eds.), What Research has to say about
reading instruction. Newark, DE: IRA.
Stanovich, K.E., and West, R.F.
(1989). Exposure to print and orthographic processing. Reading Research
Quarterly, 24, 402-433.
Saragi, T., Nation, I. S. P., and
Meister, G. F. (1978). Vocabulary learning and reading. System,
6 (2), 70-78.
Weller, L. and Weller, S. (1999).
Secondary school reading: Using the quality principle of continuous
improvement to build an exemplary program. NASSP Bulletin, 83 (607)
59-68.
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